8

Sociocultural Aspects of Dreaming

235-68

"McNamara et al. (2005) researched social relations within the content of dreams ... of men and women in the United States. They found that :

"... social interactions were more likely to be depicted in dream than in wake reports ..., and ...

dream-initiated friendliness was more characteristic of NREM than REM reports.""

"I dream of Jesus praying at Golgotha (which [dream] did happen to me)".

{Though most of the Euangelia contain no mention of his praying at Golgotha (the exception is in Euangelion kata Loukas 23:34, 46; not counting where he was berating God for forsaking him in Euangelion kata Markos 15:34 and in Euangelion kata Matthaios 27:46), two (Markos 14:36 and Matthaios 26:42) do agree that he prayed indeed at Gethsemane.}

"Our interpretation occurs within the dream-as-remembered, not the dream-as-told.

{To restate this, most of one's explanation of the dream-events is confined to our personal understanding of them, and (though it may all be recorded in one's personal dream-diary) is not necessarily told by-word-of-mouth to other persons.}

This is a distinction that many anthropologists fail to make, but one that is phenomenologically crucial.

The meaning of my dream may arise within the dream itself, depending upon how lucid I am as a dreamer. Further associations may pop up and become attached to my dream when

I recall the dream later -- all without resorting to language and rational thought." {This is not to say that language and rationality are not involved in the subconscious processes required for remembring and associating meanings.}

{Having a language available may, however, assist in at least directing one's attention toward making the effort of remembring one's dream. Animals which have no language to help direct their attention toward making the effort of remembring their dream, are less likely to remembre it. Likewise, having the capacity for, and practice in, rationality, may assist in the arrival in mind of associated meanings.}

"among the Mehinaku people of the Xingu River headwaters in Brazil (Gregor 1981). ... During the night, they wake up to ... reflect on their dreams. In the morning they recall a number of dreams from the night and share them with others immediately upon awakening. ...

Another clasic example is the Aborigines of the western desert lands of Australia (Tonkinson 2003:92; Price-Williams and Gaines 1994). Each individual has a dream spirit {a dream-body, or whatever} that can ... wander to places, and see and do things -- e.g., seek out and request the aid of rainmaking spirits. They later have conversations about what they dreamed and what they individual adventures mean for the commonweal."

p. 240

"As Murray Wax (2004) notes, in many small scale hunting and gathering societies ... dream sharing is an everyday, immediate social practice.

Among the 19th century Zulus of southern Africa, dreaming was a very practical affair in which communications from ancestors might necessitate ritual actions to keep them happy (Chidester 2008a) ... .

Waud Kracke (1992:32) notes for the Parintintin ... in Brazilian Amazonia : "Dreams like myths ... are to be told. Waking at daybreak, olr in the middle of the night at 2 or 3 A.M., one may often hear someone narrating a dream to a few

p. 241

others ... . During the day over work, a person may interrupt ... to entertain work companions with a dream."

"Gilbert Herdt (1992) notes that for the Sambia ... in Papua New Guinea, ... Sambians

"... operate and behave in three types of social situations : public, secret, and private. Social action in these situations corresponds to three different types of discourse : public talk ..., secret talk ..., and private talk ... . ..." (ibid:59). ...

{This is true of any-and-all human societies : that which is to be discussed (whether dreams or, for that matter, anything else) is always sorted as to whether it can (or ought to) be disclosed publicly, to one's companions, to one's kin, or to membres of any other particular social group whereto one may belong.}

Dreams told when just waking up in the men's or women's house, or when sharing with a friend[,] are private tellings.

Dreams related in certain healing ceremonies are considered for public consumption.

{This would be true only of wherever and whenever the general public is invited to attend such healing-caerimnies.}

Those shared in rituals, however, are considered secret."

{For AmerIndians, whereamong membreship in a secret society is dependent on aspirants' having dreamt of its subject-matter, such dreams are to be told only to other membres of the same secret society.}

"As Herdt notes, men share more dreams than women, elders more than younger folk, and children's dreams are considered trivial and often false (ibid:63). Sexual dreams are never shared publicly, only secretly or in private."

{All these facts and factors are praesumably true of nearly any human society anywhere on Earth (and elsewhere besides).}

p. 242

"Among the Mekeo people of Papua New Guinea, dreams "... are regarded as dangerous knowledge, to be handled with the greatest discretion ..." (Stephen 1995:139). When

p. 243

Mekeo share dreams, it is usually with family members and other intimates, and messages derived from dreams almost always pertain to one or more of a short list of portents considered crucial to people (ibid:120).

Mekeo shamans heal people by traveling in their dreams to power places in searc h of their patients' lost souls (ibid:198). The shaman appears to be an adept at dreaming ..., and able to dream lucidly".

p. 243

"interpretations of the same material may vary widely across cultures, and perhaps even among different interpreters within a single society (e.g., LeVine [1982] on the Gusii)."

p. 244

[quoted from Hollan 1989, p. 182] "Among the Toraja, villagers

may share knowledge of a wide range of cultural beliefs regarding such things as the etiology, typology, and interpretation of dreams, yet the individual usage of such beliefs in the construction and interpretation of dreams may vary widely".

{This could be said of any-and-all human societies quite generally, and not only of dreaming, but also of almost all aspects of human culture : details of construing-and-interpretating of cultural standards generally vary greatly from-person-to-person.}

p. 244

"Oneirocritica (The Interpretation of Dreams) by 2nd century Greek philosopher and dream interpreter, Artemidorus

of Daldis

{Makedonian colonial town in Ludia, Daldis, noted for its coinage (AMC"Daldis"), is also known as "Phlabiokaisareia" (P"DPh") and as "Flaviopolis" (FD:"D").} {\Daldis\ may be a variant form of \dalidas' 'females being sought in marriage' : if so, the allusion may be to the "wise and considerate young woman" sought in marriage by Gordios (GM 83.d) in Phrugia (so that the "Gordian knot" is for "tying the knot" of matrimony).}

(White 1975). ... He developed a full-on theory of dreaming that recognized "day residue" content and ... wish fulfillment ... . ...

He also emphasized that the dream interpreter {is expected to} know both the culture and

{Apollo-doros and Tzetzes both describe Aisakos as "a seer who has learned the interpretation of dreams from his grandfather Merops" (W"Aesacus"). According to O:M 11.767 sq (Th"NympheAsterope"), AISakos who became a carnivorous bird (possibly intended as AESis river forming border separating Picenum, named for a carnivorous bird, from Umbria) pursueth Hesperie (Hellenic name for "Italia") daughter of river-god KebrEN (possibly intended as CasuENtus river in Lucania of Hellas-ho-Megalos, i.e., [W]Oinotria, a nationality personified by [W]Oinone daughter of (Th"NympheOinone") Kebren).}

p. 245

personal situation of the dreamer before interpreting his dreams.

He further distinguishes dreams that are merely day residue experiences (enhypnion) from those that augur future events (oneiros), and thematic dreams (future outcome of augury is the same as in the dream) from allegorical dreams (those that "signify one thing by means of another;" ibid:22-24)."

p. 245

"systems of interpretation of specific dream motifs are quite common in the ethnographic literature.

Bruce (1975:38-65 ...) notes such a system for the Lacandon people {Maya tribe in northeastern Chiapas} ... . ... The attributions ... make sense given the environment of the Lacandon and their cosmology. Dreams are interesting to the Lacandon because they are considered prophetic.

p. 246

Moreover, interpretations tend to be internally consistent within the logic of the mythopoeic symbol system shared by the people (see R. M. Laughlin 1976:7-9 for a Zinacanta`n Mayan dream book)."

"the Mae Enga of New Guinea exhibit the pattern of limited and standardized meanings for particular objects and events in the dream. M. J. Meggitt (1962:224-226) lists a number of such attributions ... . "

p. 248

"the Muria people of India recognize dreams as the wanderings of soul and some motifs in the soul's adventures are given standard interpretations (Elwin ... [1947]:476-477). ... these attributions are taken very seriously by the Muria, "... and ...

A motiari ... visiting the ghotul ["dormitory"] ... suggests that her menstrual period is imminent" (ibid:478)."

{The pertinence resideth in the fact that "this is also going to be another long night of revelry and wanton love-making, with partners being periodically changed. It is an ancient ritual that binds the tribe together, an adolescent experience that survives into adulthood and reinforces the tribal culture of sharing." ("CCTM")}

"Barbara Tedlock (1981) also notes the importance of the dream interpreter among the Quiche` Maya. Many people become initiated as oneirocritics and they function as healers and diviners as well."

"According to Heijnen (2010:308), "Around 10% of the respondents to a survey, recently conducted by the Social Science Research Institute, University of Iceland, experienced the appearance of a deceased person in the dream expressing the wish to pass his or her name onto a -- at the time of dreaming -- unborn child, while 75% believed this to be possible. ... This practice ... consists of the idea that through the naming of newborn children with the help of dreams,

substance can flow from the dead to the living ... .""

{If, as would seem probable, the so-called "deceased person" is, in reality, that dead person's former spirit-guide (guardian-angel), then that which is flowing to the living is (instead of corrupting corpse-substance) incorruptible praeternatural vitality.}

"Tacking dream content onto a single supposed motivation, as Freudians would have us do, may cause us to miss contemporaneous motivations underlyng manifest content.

As Rivers wrote, "[Freud's] interpretations seemed to me forced and arbitary, and the method so unscientific that it might be used to prove anything" (Rivers 1923:5)."

p. 253

[quoted from Rivers 1923, pp. 7-8] "For many years ..., as soon as I become aware that I am awake ["i.e., in the hypnopompic state"}, I find that I ... for some time have been thinking, over some problem ... in connection with the scientific work ... . Many of the scientific ideas which I value most, as well as the language in which they are expressed, have come to me in this half-sleeping, half-waking state directly continuous with definite sleep. ... In some cases it was difficult to say where the dream ended and the unwitting analysis had begun ... ."

"Rivers' experience here ... mirrors my own. Indeed, something akin ... has happened repeatedly during the writing of

p. 254

this book. Thus, Rivers' account of dreaming takes into consideration ... the creative problem-solving function of dreaming."

[quoted from Wilson 1951, p. 308] "Nightmares of being throttled ..., and of flying through the air[,] are taken as evidence ... that 'they' ... have come ... .

The witches are thought to fly by night on their pythons ...;

{Cf. the woman puthia ("pythoness") at Delphoi : (W"Pythia" -- citing Stone 1976) "when people, after having been immunized against snake-bite, are bitten by a venomous snake, particularly by a krait, cobra, or another elapid, they experience an emotional and mental state that has been compared to the effects of hallucinogenic substances."}

and they feast on human flesh".

"One does not will a dream to occur, the dream has a life of its own and is thus independent ... . ... The most common

culture pattern dreams

{i.e., dreams which are socially esteemed}

are visitations from ghosts and ancestors who may admonish and advise the dreamer about issues current in social relations. But sometimes the dreamer will be visited by ...

ranguma ... who may exhibit a number of traits of ... sorcerer ... (ibid:133). ...

{Because such traits would involve praeternatural feats, the entity would be labeled "saint" or "divinity" by all tribes which are not blatantly atheistic.}

If the sick person is diagnosed with a ranguma attack, the sick person is urged to confess any and all conflicts he may have had with people. From this confession, various suspects who might have had a motive to harm the sick person are uncovered.

{This variety sacrament (i.e., confession of "sins", put into the guise of accusations of hostile intents) is peculiar to very few societies, Reformation-aira Christianity with its pogroms and witchhunts (conducted by Lutherans, by Puritans, etc.) being the most notorious of these few.}

The word is sent out to the various communities about the confession ... . If all this fails, then the family of the victim {i.e., sick person supposed to be a victim} have recourse to a "dreamer-diviner" who is adept at seeking the truth of matters in dreams (ibid:141-142). {I.e., who is socially reputed as being adept at this.} Acting as kind of detective, the dream-diviner will attempt to identify the ranguma from the available suspects through intuitive and dream insights. They will generally focus on people thought to be oddballs, and will attempt to coerce the suspect into

confessing and paying a compensation to the sick person.

{thus, very much milder than the usual Protestant burning-at-the-stake of any suspects}

If the sick person recovers ..., he will return the compensation to the apparent ranguma,

thus involving the latter in reciprocal exchange."

{The exchange is return of compensation in gratitude for being cured by the same magician.}

p. 260

"an intriguing theory put forth by Susan Parman (1979) linking dreaming and play as homologous processes in ... evolution ... suggest that

both act biologically

{and likewise act socially, inasmuch as play and play-acting while awake are social activities, and also insofar as the play-acting characteristic of one's behaviour during dreaming may be regarded as social : where the dreaming mortal is tacitly adopted, temporarily while in the dream, into the society of immortal transcendent entities (commonly designated archetypal) who are directing-and-conducting the dream-activities for highly-mysterious purposes of their own recondite devising. [written 20 Nov 2017]}

to rehearse or stimulate actions that may be ... adaptive in the waking life of a hominin or other animal. ...

{Such rehearsal, when conducted in dreaming, is likely to be more delightful than the same activity conducted during waking life : therefore, background-memory of such delightful dreaming may function as a stimulant, during waking life, to induce greater dedication to that activity (which, without, such dream-stimulus, might seem too dull and too drab to be continued withal). [written 20 Nov 2017]}

p. 261

In order for this to be true, ... the simulation must be the same as ... the waking activity -- a view that has been termed more recently the "virtual reality" hypothesis.

That is, ... a consequence of "rehearsal" must be ... more developed waking skill. Research has now shown this to be the case : "A question of direct relevance to the virtual reality hypothesis is whether the enactment of dream behaviors utilizes ... those very behaviors in waking. A review of the lucid dreaming literature supports the identity hypothesis ..." (Hobson 2009:43).

Daniel Erlacher and his associates (Schredl 2003; Erlacher and Schredl 2008, 2010; Erlacher and Chapin 2010; see also Hobson 2009) have developed a number of studies showing that the more important an activity or interest area is in waking life, the more frequently that activity or interest will pop up in dreams.

Schredl (2003) showed that the more time one spends doing something in waking life, the more dominant that activity will present in the dream life.

Erlacher and Schredl (2010) went on ... and demonstrated that the more time spent in athletic activities, the more frequent those activities will appear in dreams.

{In-so-far as athletics be regarded as a varieties of play-activities, then this could be pertinent to a description of dreaming as play-acting.}

In addition, Erlacher and Chapin (2010) have summarized the ... evidence supporting Hobson's "virtual reality" hypothesis.

In my opinion, Parman's evolutionary "rehearsal" theory implies something like Hobson's ... hypothesis ... ."

p. 262

"among the Xavante people in Brazil, ... dreaming is considered a type of experience of reality

in which one may commune with the gods

{whence the author (Ch.D.L) selected the title for this book}

and acquire knowledge and information important to the community at large. Elders in particular may learn new dream songs (da-n~o>re) while dreaming. ... An elder ... may have a dream

(obviously lucid considering the extent of focus, clarity of detail, thoroughness of learning and working memory involved)

{Not because of "clarity of detail ... and working memory" (which can, and do, often appear in non-lucid dreamings) -- but instead, on account of the mortal dreamer's understanding of being ensconced in the company of veritable mythic deities in their own Otherworld -- is this experience to be accounted (described, defined) as "lucid dreaming".}

which he then retells around a campfire to other elders. The dream may involve meeting with the gods of mythological lore in which new ritual instructions and new da-n~o>re are revealed. ...

p. 263

This leads later on to a ritual enactment of the dream by costumed dancers and singers. The ritual drama ... becomes a part of the tradition of the people."

p. 263

"We are all presumably aware of the core importance of dream to the history of artistic expression in ... Western cultures (Hobson and Wohl 2005) -- most notably with the emergence of surrealism (Bradley 1997 ...)."

p. 264

"Among the Daribi people of Papua New Guinea, artistic patterns are routinely inspired from dreaming (Wagner 1972:74) :

[quoted] The talents and skills involved in a number of craft specialties ... are ... to be acquired in dreams. ... real talent, like hunting luck, ... must be obtained through a dream."

"Among the Tukolor people of Senegal, West Africa, dreaming, the spirit world and art are intimately connected ... (Dilley 1992). ... the Tukolor hold that dreams are the adventures had by their souls while wandering in the spirit world (ibid:74). ... Tukolor weavers understand that their craft originates in the spirit world, ... and link dreaming and their ancestors (ibid:77-8). ...

"The type of dream inspiration they receive ... is of relevance their ... weaving lore with the purpose of mystically improving a weaver's ability ... . In this ... category is included cefi, verses and incantations with mystical power to affect the physical world, and these verses ... employ metaphor, trope, analogy and allusion" (ibid:80).

All designs found in [Australian] Aboriginal iconography are derived from dreams (Munn 1973:55). ... .

p. 265

... [Australian] Aborigines ... artists make the distinction between everyday dreams and cultural pattern dreams-- those that involve the sacred stories -- and are inspired primarily by the latter ([Price-Williams & Gaines 1994]:379)."